Feb 8, 2023
Anyone who derives pleasure from crudely splashing filthy water around, anyone interested in seeing what a crazy circus looks like, one that drives everyone mad and gives its audience a neurosis and a massive headache, is invited to come to the Knesset Constitution Committee, where discussions are being held on the coup against our system of government (which its sponsors dub “legal reform”).
In the morning, the committee room is generally full to bursting with MKs and critics from all over who never cease arguing with each other at full volume. There are sometimes several different arguments going on at the same time.
Committee chairman Simcha Rothman is busy most of the time conducting petty arguments with opposition MKs, whom he removes from the room over and over. When they are inside, they fight with the coalition MKs who rush to Rothman’s aid.
In addition to various former officials like retired judges, legendary Knesset members and academic experts – all of whom arrive pale with fear to cry out their concerns – there are various people who have too much free time and too little regular therapy. Some are currently drafting a constitution; others are planning the construction of the Third Temple or the reform that will follow this reform. All contribute to the general scene, which is reminiscent of episodes from Pasolini’s early films.
At the start of Monday’s session, a group of young people stood up and started chanting loudly in a resounding display of protest (“D-e-m-o-c-r-a-c-y”). A diligent and ambitious guard grabbed three of them with one hand, while with the other he forcibly put a Likud party activist who had risen to confront them back in his seat.
After one of the many times that MK Yorai Lahav-Hertzanu of Yesh Atid was removed from the room through the front door, his voice suddenly arose from behind the back door. “I’m outside for the entire discussion now?!” he demanded. “Yes!” Rothman replied, and within less than a second, he was already quarreling with someone else.
“It’s like third grade here,” said a parliamentary aide, amazed that she was lucky enough to begin her career in this Knesset. But the truth is that it’s more like third class. A place where people have simply abandoned their sanity.
The legal advisers are still trying to play by the old rules, under which they would provide a legal opinion on a certain issue and get a suitable response. But they can’t open their mouths without eliciting attacks on them and their boss, in an attempt to frame them as political partisans.
The shock on their faces is clearly visible. They wanted to be polite government bureaucrats. That’s how they act and how they dress, and they forcibly restrain themselves from raising their voices.
Yet now, with the press of a button, they have found themselves in the role of gladiators in a disruptive arena. How did the legal system – the spearhead of democracy – become an institution on death row, fighting desperately for every breath?
Ever since the committee hearings began, I have tried to visit once a week to form a broad impression of this event. Over the last two weeks, the conversation in the committee – which, according to the government, is supposed to be an open, democratic forum for debate on its revolutionary proposals – has degenerated into chaos and disruption that appears to be unprecedented in Israel’s parliamentary history.
Despite the confidence and determination to go ahead with the reform that the government is broadcasting, even its members know they have simply lost control of events. The Constitution Committee is the promo. Soon, the whole country will look the same way. This, without a doubt, is governability in all its glory.
The Palestinian interest
The fighters from all sides seem oblivious to the fact that the emotional battles they are fighting are taking place only between Jews - both in the Knesset and on the streets. Despite the fact that the Arab community is a major target of this government's priorities - Arabs are simply not involved in the process.
All of this doesn't seem to affect them. As if they had taken stage instructions from Shauli from the satirical television show "Eretz Nehederet" (A Wonderful Country) regarding the future civil war: "Except for the Arabs." We've fought you enough, and it didn't lead to anything. You sit it out on the sidelines.”
In the committee, MK Ofer Cassif, the 'Jew' of Arab party Hadash - Ta'al, speaks out fervently about the American Constitution, Aristotle's principles and Menachem Begin's ideas - to the deaf ears of the bullies. Arab MKs rarely attend committee meetings. Ayman Odeh came once or twice, Mansour Abbas visited for a short time this week. In fact, he looked more like an awkward guest making a courtesy call to the insane neighbors.
Arab parties and Arab politicians aren't involved in the discussion, a person involved in Arab party politics said. "The Arab public is dissatisfied with the existing political establishment, which includes the legal system. There is a belief that the legal system enables expropriation and demolition of homes, so we need to change something. If such a proposal is on the table, then a certain percentage says okay, let's change it. Ayman Odeh or Mansour Abbas are not being told to fight this reform by any base. "They won't do it on their own."
According to a question in the survey released last week by the Israel Democracy Institute, Prof. Tamar Hermann and Dr. Or Anabi examined the public's attitudes regarding changes to the legal system based on different segments. A question in the survey asked about support for weakening the legal system. This was based on the respondent’s vote in the last Knesset election. In the survey, 31 percent of Hadash-Ta'al voters supported the plan - a figure closer to that of the coalition partners (Likud, 57 percent, and Shas, 63 percent) than among the "Jewish" opposition parties (3 percent of Yesh Atid voters support the changes, while just 2 percent of Labor and Meretz voters). United Arab List voters support the changes with 18 percent, the second-highest support among opposition parties.
“Ultimately, the struggle is about the future of the Zionist state and Zionist life here,” said Doron Navot, director of the Jewish-Arab Center at Haifa University.
"It's a battle between the nationalists, the populists, and the liberals, but both camps are fighting within Zionist fundamental assumptions which Arabs simply reject. It’s not that the Arabs don’t understand the difference between Itamar Ben-Gvir and the previous government. They understand. But from this to really fighting with the energy needed for a struggle – that’s a long way. There’s also something you see on Arab social networks and media, that the present government is the true face of Zionism. Therefore, there is a Palestinian interest here too,” said Navot.
According to Arab politicians, Ayman Odeh cannot warn too harshly about the dangers arising from the changes to the legal system - and the new government as a whole - without being responsible for the downfall of the previous "change government." A political source said that Odeh exaggerated the terribleness of the previous government while diminishing its disastrousness. "How can he justify to his voters that he allowed this to happen? ”
"Hadash-Ta'al opposes the overthrow of the regime with all our might," said MK Ahmad Tibi. "Despite the fact that the Supreme Court, which is at the center of the regime change, has not usually aided the Palestinians and approved the Nation State Law and the Acceptance Committee Law, we will vote against what comes out of the Constitution Committee. Despite all this, we will always be against the side that attacks the Supreme Court with a D9 [bulldozer]."
Anyone who has been in Jerusalem near the Chords Bridge – on the way to the Knesset or government ministries – has seen a new form of protest. In the city where MK David Amsalem was a senior official in city hall in the city he is identified with – signs have been hung attacking Benjamin Netanyahu, because of his alienating treatment of his faithful soldiers in the party and because of the looting carried out by his coalition partners.
Amsalem's long crisis, which was constantly supported by his loyal friend David Bitan - but never took up any real space on the government's agenda - was temporarily resolved when Amsalem was appointed as "minister in the Justice Ministry, minister for regional cooperation, and minister responsible for liaison with the Knesset." The longer the title, the smaller the influence.
When Amsalem accused Netanyahu of humiliating all “the Amsalems and Bitans,” he was right about everything he said. He was left without any significant role despite risking his life to defend his boss and reaching a very high position in the Likud Knesset primary. This proves that he was right in his claims. His wounded cries prove this more than any solution concocted for him.
In this case, Netanyahu gave the crown of the great reformers to Yariv Levin, Bezalel Smotrich, and Simcha Rothman. In exchange for empty honors and made-up positions that don't even pretend to be meaningful, the Amsalems and Bitans will fight for them.